The Unnecessary Alliance: Barbarossa Unleashed and the Moral Cost of Victory

 

In Barbarossa Unleashed, Craig Luther makes an unsettling argument: the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 was doomed not because of heroic Soviet resistance or Allied assistance, but because the German army was structurally and logistically incapable of winning the war it began. Page after page, Luther piles on data—numbers of tanks, calibers of guns, fuel consumption rates, rail gauges, truck shortages, ammunition stocks, winter clothing shortfalls—until a grim picture emerges. The Wehrmacht did not merely underestimate the Soviet Union; it lacked the material capacity to defeat it. Germany invaded too far, too fast, with too little.

Luther is relentless. Rather than focusing on battlefield drama or individual commanders, he dissects the war as an industrial and logistical contest. The best German tanks often outperformed Soviet models tactically, but they broke down at catastrophic rates. The bulk of the 3,500 German tanks in the invasion force were no match for the Soviet T-34 entering the fight at a rate of hundreds per month. 

German supply lines stretched hundreds of miles over incompatible rail systems. Fuel shortages crippled mechanized units long before Soviet resistance did. Winter arrived not as an act of fate but as an entirely foreseeable consequence of German planning failures. The German army, Luther shows, was optimized for short campaigns against weaker opponents—not for a continental war against a state with vast manpower reserves and a deep industrial base.

From this analysis flows Luther’s most provocative conclusion: Germany could not have defeated the Soviet Union, even without Western aid. By December 1941, the campaign had already failed. Moscow had not fallen. Soviet industry had been relocated east of the Urals. German losses in men and matériel were irreplaceable. Whatever the later heroism of Soviet soldiers, the structural imbalance was decisive. Nazi defeat on the Eastern Front was not merely possible—it was inevitable.

That conclusion carries a deeply troubling implication. If Germany was doomed in the East regardless, then the wartime alliance between the Western democracies and the Soviet Union appears not only morally compromised, but strategically unnecessary. The United States and Britain allied themselves with a regime whose ideology, methods, and ambitions were fundamentally hostile to democratic values. Stalin’s Soviet Union was not a temporary partner of convenience that later “went bad.” It was a totalitarian empire before, during, and after the war.

Worse still, the price of that alliance was paid not by Americans or Britons, but by the peoples of Eastern Europe. Poland, the Baltic states, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and much of the Balkans were first crushed by Nazi occupation and then absorbed into Soviet domination. Allied concessions—formalized at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam—did not merely recognize military realities; they legitimized the enslavement of entire nations. The Western powers did not simply accept Soviet control; they helped sanctify it.

Defenders of the alliance argue that without Lend-Lease aid and strategic cooperation, the Soviet Union might have collapsed, prolonging the war or allowing Germany to consolidate its gains. Luther’s work challenges that assumption. Germany’s strategy depended on a lightning victory comparable to Poland or France. When that failed in 1941, the German war effort entered a slow-motion collapse. Even without American trucks or British matériel, the structural imbalance remained. The Wehrmacht could not replace its losses. The Red Army could—and did.

If this is true, then the moral calculus of the war changes uncomfortably. The Western Allies may have won the war faster by aiding Stalin—but at the cost of enabling a second empire to impose its will on Europe. The defeat of Nazi Germany was necessary and just. The method by which it was achieved is far harder to defend. One tyranny was destroyed; another was empowered.

This is not an argument for sympathy with Germany, nor a denial of Soviet suffering. It is an argument about choices. History often frames the wartime alliance as unavoidable. Barbarossa Unleashed suggests otherwise. The United States and Britain may have mistaken expediency for necessity, confusing the urgency of victory with the wisdom of alliance. In doing so, they secured peace in the West while abandoning the East.

Luther does not write polemic. He writes accounting—of fuel, steel, men, and vast distances. Yet the moral indictment emerges naturally from the numbers. By showing that Nazi defeat in the East was already baked in by the winter of 1941, Luther forces readers to confront an unsettling possibility: the Cold War may have begun not as an accident of victory, but as the predictable consequence of choices made when victory was already assured.

History rarely offers clean alternatives. But it does demand honesty. Barbarossa Unleashed strips away comforting myths and leaves behind a harder truth: the Allied victory over Nazi Germany came bundled with a second, avoidable tragedy—one whose victims had no seat at the negotiating table and no voice in the alliance that sealed their fate.

Without Allied aid, the Soviet Union would, according to Luther, have defeated the Nazis. But it is very possible they would have stopped at the Russian frontier and sued for a separate peace, much as Russian empire had done in 1917.  How different would the world have been with Poland, the Baltic states, and the Balkan states free from the time World War II ended.  

My heart aches as I read Barbarossa Unleashed wondering if Ukraine could have extracted itself from a weakened Soviet Union and be celebrating decades of democratic peace instead of fighting off Russian invaders.  

Niccolò Machiavelli, particularly in The Prince and The Discourses on Livy, advised that alliances should be treated with extreme caution, viewing them primarily as transactional, temporary, and often dangerous, rather than binding or based on friendship. 

His key warnings regarding alliances include:

Alliances are Inherently Fragile: Machiavelli warns that states break alliances based on self-interest. Because human nature is "fickle, false, and cowardly," allies will break their bonds whenever it suits their own advantage.

Avoid Dependence: A prince must never rely on others for their own safety or power. Relying too heavily on allies leads to a loss of sovereignty, where the state is "held" by another, creating a situation where, if the ally fails, you fall with them.

Jealousy and Envy: Even if an alliance is initially successful, allies can become jealous of your success and, driven by envy, may seek to destroy you.

"First Among Equals": If an alliance is necessary, Machiavelli advises that you should always ensure you are the stronger party (i.e., primus inter pares—first among equals) and that the alliance serves your own interests. 

August 1914 by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s August 1914 is the first volume of his The Red Wheel cycle of novels an epic attempt to explain how Russia slid into the twin catastrophes of war and revolution. Where In the First Circle plunges us into Stalin’s infernal machinery, August 1914 takes the reader back to the slaughter of World War I, when Russia’s failures on the battlefield helped set the stage for Bolshevism. The novel is not only a historical narrative but also a philosophical inquiry into responsibility, fate, and the choice to serve when the nation is in peril.

A Novel of History and Conscience

At its core, August 1914 is a work of historical fiction that dramatizes the disastrous Russian campaign against Germany at the Battle of Tannenberg. Solzhenitsyn follows generals, ministers, and foot soldiers alike, weaving together their perspectives into a portrait of a society ill-prepared for war. The novel does not simply reconstruct events; it interrogates them. Why did Russia, a nation of immense size and resources, crumble so quickly? How did the incompetence of leaders and the blindness of institutions.

Solzhenitsyn’s method is almost documentary. He inserts archival material, official memos, and real speeches into his narrative, refusing to let the reader forget that these characters were not mere inventions but participants in a real historical collapse. The result is a hybrid form—part novel, part chronicle—that demands the reader confront history not as distant fact but as lived human tragedy.

The Figure of General Samsonov

One of the most haunting figures in August 1914 is General Aleksandr Samsonov, commander of the Russian Second Army. Samsonov is portrayed with compassion, not as a villain but as a man crushed by the weight of command, undone by poor communications, a divided staff, and his own hesitations. His tragic suicide after the defeat becomes emblematic of Russia’s humiliation.

Through Samsonov, Solzhenitsyn explores the tension between personal responsibility and systemic failure. Was Samsonov a poor general, or was he doomed by a larger structure of incompetence and corruption? Solzhenitsyn leaves the question open but insists that individuals matter—that decisions, mistakes, and moral weaknesses ripple outward into history.

The Theme of National Blindness

Just as In the First Circle exposes how Stalin’s Soviet Union normalized terror, August 1914 shows how Tsarist Russia normalized complacency. Bureaucrats ignored warnings, generals distrusted one another, and ministers jockeyed for power while soldiers starved at the front. The blindness was not merely strategic but moral: leaders refused to acknowledge the rot at the heart of their system.

Solzhenitsyn suggests that the seeds of 1917 were already present in 1914. The Revolution did not come from nowhere; it germinated in the failures of war, in the gap between the Russian people’s sacrifices and the state’s corruption. August 1914 is thus not only about a battle but about the unraveling of legitimacy.

Style and Structure

The novel is sprawling and demanding. Solzhenitsyn shifts rapidly from the trenches to the salons of St. Petersburg, from the thoughts of peasants to the intrigues of ministers. At times, the sheer detail can overwhelm; he includes staff orders, reports, and digressions that feel closer to history than fiction. Yet the density is deliberate. Solzhenitsyn is building an argument: history is not shaped by a few grand figures alone but by a swarm of documents, conversations, and decisions, each carrying its weight.

Amid this density, however, moments of piercing clarity emerge. A soldier’s death in a muddy field, a general’s paralyzing doubt, a politician’s cynical calculation—these scenes crystallize the human cost of institutional failure. Solzhenitsyn writes with the authority of someone who has lived through national disaster, and he insists that history must be understood not only through archives but through moral imagination.

Solzhenitsyn’s Vision

Although set decades before Stalin, August 1914 belongs to the same moral universe as In the First Circle and The Gulag Archipelago. All share the conviction that falsehood and cowardice corrode societies from within. The First World War becomes, in Solzhenitsyn’s vision, a kind of prelude to the greater horrors of the twentieth century. The blindness of 1914 paved the way for the brutality of 1917 and beyond.

What unites Solzhenitsyn’s works is the belief that truth, however painful, must be faced. Just as he stripped the illusions from the Soviet present, here he strips the myths from the Russian past. August 1914 refuses the easy consolations of patriotism or nostalgia. It shows instead a society collapsing under its own deceptions.

August 1914 is dense, sprawling, and often closer to a historical investigation than to traditional fiction. Solzhenitsyn compels the reader to see history as lived tragedy and to recognize how human weakness, bureaucratic inertia, and moral blindness can shape the destiny of nations.

If In the First Circle is a descent into Hell, August 1914 is the map of the road that led there. Both works are united by a single purpose: to bear witness, to insist on truth, and to remind us that history is not fate but the accumulation of choices. In confronting the disaster of 1914, Solzhenitsyn demands that we confront the disasters we inherit—and the ones we may yet create.

Appendix One: A Personal Turning Point

I first read August 1914 in 2006. At the time, I was long removed from my earlier service in the U.S. Army during the 1970s and 80s, nearly a quarter century gone. Yet in Solzhenitsyn’s Vorotyntsev, the thoughtful officer who searches for truth amid confusion, I found something that spoke directly to my own life. Vorotyntsev embodied courage not as bravado, but as clarity—the ability to see through illusions, to recognize responsibility, and to act even when the path was uncertain.

That encounter with the novel stayed with me. The following year, at the age of 54, I re-enlisted in the Army. In 2009, I deployed to Iraq for a year. Many people thought such a choice was reckless, even impossible after so many years away. But Solzhenitsyn had shown me in August 1914 that history, whether of nations or individuals, is not fate. It is made by choices, by the willingness to take responsibility, and by the courage to step forward even when the odds are long.

Vorotyntsev helped me believe that it was not too late, that a return to service was not only possible but meaningful. In that sense, August 1914 was not just a novel I read; it was a turning point, a book that helped set the course of my life in a new direction. Like all of Solzhenitsyn’s work, it insists on truth, responsibility, and action. For me, it became more than literature—it became a call answered in the real world.

Appendix Two:  My Family in August 1914

The date that is the title of Solzhenitsyn's book has huge significance in the history of my family.  In that month my paternal grandfather, Hyman Gussman, began a year-long escape from service and certain death in the Russian army.  The story of his escape is here.

Russia Invaded Ukraine. Putin Murders and Kidnaps Children. Trump Loves Putin.

Since the moment Russia invaded Ukraine, I have admired the bravery of the Ukrainian people in defense of their nation. Vladimir Putin wants to destroy Ukraine and restore the Tsarist Russia of his disgusting dreams and destroy Ukraine.

For three years now, Ukraine has stood against everything Russia can do--killing hundreds of thousands of Russian troops and wounding even more.  For Ukraine, this war is existential.  If Russia wins, Ukraine and all of its history and culture disappear as Russia continues to murder, rape and dispossess the people of Ukraine.

At this critical moment, America is abandoning Ukraine. Trump is attacking Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the same moment he giving the war criminal Putin anything he wants in regard to Ukraine.  

As we approach the Quarter Millennial Anniversary of America next year, we are on course to betray Ukraine, desert Taiwan, take Greenland, attack Panama and threaten our closest allies--and as the frosting on this shit cake, leave NATO. 

Forty-nine years ago, my tank flew a Bicentennial American Flag as we trained to face Soviet tanks on the East-West German border.  I enlisted during four different wars in the past fifty years. The Cold War was the only war America won.  And now Trump has given that victory away by siding with Putin against our allies. 

I hoped to celebrate America on July 4, 2026, but it is more likely I will be in DC protesting the betrayal of  Ukraine: assuming we still have Constitutional Rights next year. I wouldn't bet one way or the other. 

Russian Embassy in my Panama Canal Neighborhood

 The day after I returned to Panama we moved to a different AirBnB closer to Panama City in the Albrook area.  Less than a mile away on the road is the Russian Embassy.  It's a seven-story yellow building which our host says has seven stories underground. 

Today  I was riding in my Ukraine bike clothes, so I rode back and forth in front of the Russian Embassy then stopped to take some pictures and a selfie.

I'm sure they have plenty of security, but I saw no guards, guns, dogs or drones as I rode.  Across the road is a stream that runs past where I live.  Crocodiles live on the banks of the stream. Maybe part of the security team?

Down the hill from the embassy is a little Russian Orthodox Church. 

I'll be riding this way a lot in the next six months.  

Прибет Товариши!  

(Hello Comrades!) 

A Russian Journalist Defies Putin on War in Ukraine

Zhanna Agalakova Жа́нна Леони́довна Агала́кова

Journalist working at Russian Channel One until the War in Ukraine

Zhanna Agalakova has an Instagram page with stunning photos of Paris.  She lives and works in the city near Clichy. I followed her for several years, admiring her photos.  But one day the image on March 17, 2022, Zhanna posted a video of her cutting off her Первеу Канал (Russian Channel One) ID bracelet.  

She ended a three-decade long career as a journalist in defiance of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.  Her husband and daughter were with her in Paris where they now make their home.  Zhanna's career is outlined on a Wikipedia page.

I met Zhanna in 2013 at the Ig Nobel Ceremony at Sanders Theater at Harvard University.  Marc Abrahams, emcee of the ceremony and impresario of all things Ig Nobel, asked me to escort Russian and Japanese camera crews when they filmed. Sanders theater had very clear guidelines about the amount of time the crews could film. The Russian and Japanese crews were notorious for not understanding the restrictions, year after year.  

From 2013 to 2018, I escorted Zhanna and Boris her cameraman into and out of the theater.   In 2019, Zhanna returned to Paris where she had worked previously for Channel 1 Russia.  Then in 2022, she quit very publicly and began a new life and career. 

In 2023, Zhanna and I had coffee near Clichy. She told me about her break with Channel 1 and with Russia and President Vladimir Putin over the Russian invasion of Ukraine.  I had hoped to talk to Zhanna again this trip, but maybe next time.  

 

May 9: Soviet Victory and One-Third of My Broken Bones

May is a big day in my life--and for those who still celebrate the victory of the Soviet Union over the Nazis.  While I am happy the Soviets won (and angry that Russia has returned to its Soviet/Tsarist past) for me, May 9 was twice the anniversary of a lot of broken bones and subsequent surgery.  

On May 9, 1945, the Soviet Union announced victory over Nazi Germany. We and the rest of its allies declared victory on May 8, but the Soviets waited until after midnight so they could have a separate date for victory. 

On May 9, 2007, I crashed at 51 mph on Turkey Hill in Lancaster County PA.  A Medevac helicopter flew me to Lancaster General Hospital with ten broken bones, including a smashed 7th vertebra. I had plastic surgery that night to re-attach my forehead. The next day was surgery to scrape out C-7 and replace it with a cadaver bone.  Mike Whittaker got me the Medevac. Without that, who knows. 

Eight days later I walked out of the hospital in a neck and chest brace.  

On May 9, 2020, I had a very low speed bike crash in Philadelphia that splintered my left elbow into twenty pieces. Five days later I had surgery to reassemble my shattered humerus, requiring breaking my forearm in the process.  The next day I walked out of Lancaster General Hospital in a very large cast.  

Today, I did not ride a bicycle.  I know it only happened twice, but I rode yesterday and will probably ride tomorrow. For however many May 9ths I have in my life,I will be a pedestrian.  

Flying to Kyiv from New York on February 24--The Flight Ended in Warsaw

Today at #RazomforUkriane, I worked with a Nikita.  He is a 36-year-old project manager for a U.S.-based utility company. As we assembled IFAKs (Individual First Aid Kits) he told me that on February 24 (The day the Russian Army invaded Ukraine) he was on a flight from New York to Kyiv. As the plane neared Ukraine it was diverted and landed in Warsaw.

"I was going to Kiev on Feb 24 to see Louis CK stand up concert which was supposed to be on February 25," he said. "I also do stand up comedy when I get a chance in my personal life and since war started we had a charity concert to raise funds which we sent to Ukraine." He has I also donated funds directly to people I know in Ukraine and other organizations.

Nikita spent the next week in Poland helping the refugees who began crossing the border into Poland within hours of the start of the war.  At one point he rented a car and drove refugees from the border to where they knew someone or wherever they wanted to go.  He helped with food and supplies, then returned to America and his job. 

He is 36 years old.  He emigrated to America from the Russian Federation in 2000 with his family when he was 14. "I am from Russia, but my heart is with Ukraine," he said.  "I have lots of friends in Ukraine and I love that country with all my heart and I don't support Russia in any way and I am 100% with the Ukraine."

Nikita makes Instagram videos in English and in Russian under the name: forced2disagree.  

"The videos are titled "Less is More" and are they are about people around the world," he said. "I tell a short story about a person that I personally met or know. And I can't wait to go to Ukraine and document many stories there and help in other ways as well."

 

Victory Day, May 9, Is Also the Day I Broke 13 of 40 Bones

May 9 is the date Russia and several former Soviet countries celebrate victory over the Nazis.  Nazi Germany unconditionally surrendered very late on May 8 which was May 9 in Moscow, which is why the rest of the Allied nations celebrate VE Day (Victory in Europe) on May 8.  

Which meant May 9 was both very good--defeated Nazis are the best Nazis--and also very bad, because May 9 is the date of my two worst bicycle accidents.  

On May 9, 2007, I broke ten bones in a 50mph crash and flown to the hospital by MEDEVAC. The story is here. On May 9, 2020, I splintered my left elbow in a low-speed crash. The surgeon had to break my lower arm to fix my upper arm.  So a third of the forty bones I have broken, I broke on May 9 on a bicycle.  

I broke four other bones in four other bicycle crashes for a total of 17.  Cars, motorcycles, football, fights and missile explosions add up 23 for a total 40 broken bones in 69 years--fewer than one per year.

Before publishing this post, I had to listen to the news from Ukraine today.  I was worried I would hear about Russia marking the anniversary with some new atrocity.  Russian President Vladimir Putin made a speech saying the war he started against Ukraine is to defend Russia.  

The Russians staged the annual parade in Moscow to showoff their military prowess. The big display always had a hollow ring, but this year with the string of defeats Ukraine inflicted on the Russian army, this year's parade sound like a defeated boxer saying "He didn't knock me out."

If I were a superstitious guy, I would stay home and watch movies today. But I will ride with my friends. There are only 365 days in a year, and more than 25,000 days in a life as long as mine. Dates are going to repeat.  

 

Prisoners of Geography, Published in 2015, Relevant Right Now! Book 11 of 2022

 

Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Tell You Everything You Need to Know About Global Politics  by Tim Marshall.

Sometimes a book title promises a lot more than it can deliver.  The 16-word title, Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Tell You Everything You Need to Know About Global Politics  by Tim Marshall is too modest by half. Published in 2015, this book explains the Good, the Bad and the Ugly in global politics right now.   

The author, Tim Marshall, a former war correspondent for Sky News, lives in London and continues the book on his website and Facebook Page, The What and the Why. 

The ten chapters are ten maps of ten regions followed by 20-30 pages of history and current geopolitics.  The first chapter is "Russia."  The first line of the introduction is about the current President and wannabe Tsar of Russia:

"Vladimir Putin says he is a religious man, a great supporter of the Russian Orthodox church. If so, he may well go to bed each night, say his prayers, and ask God: 'Why didn't you put some mountains in Ukraine?' 

(Using this same quote, I recently wrote about bad religion that kills good people. Putin is now the Poster Boy of this sort of murder, but all the priests pandering to him will certainly share his circle of Hell.)

In the next paragraph Marshall says "As it is, Putin has no choice: he must at least attempt to control the flat lands to the west."  In the first chapter on Russia, Marshall explains the geography and history that will compel the Russian leader to get control of Ukraine.  As I write this, Putin is in the midst of a massive invasion of Ukraine with the object of taking over the free country of 44 million people.  Marshall says Moldova is also on Putin's must-conquer list, where he will use the excuse of the Russian-speaking area of Transnistria to trigger that invasion.   

When I read this chapter two weeks ago, the invasion had not yet begun, but 150,000 Russian troops surrounded the country of Ukraine to the north and east on the ground and to the south on the Black Sea and in the recently seized territory of Crimea. Marshall explains the thousand-year history of Russia that led the world to the current conflict as well as the recent history.  Putin was President during the second war in Chechnya almost twenty years ago. He reduced the Chechen capital Grozny to rubble with thermobaric bombs. They are already rumored to be in use in Ukraine.

After prescient predictions about Russia, chapter two is "China." Again, current crimes have a geopolitical imperative.  Marshall explains why the oppression of the Uighurs in northeastern China will not end until China is fully in control.  The land where the Uighurs live is critical to China's control of agriculture within the country and its domination of Tibet and Mongolia. The good news is that China has enough to do within its current borders that subjugating Taiwan is not the top of Xi's geopolitical hit list.  

The next chapter is the "United States."  After the ominous first two chapters, this one is a geographic celebration.  No question that the best place to be born and to live in the 20th and 21st Centuries is the United States.  The Russia and China chapters and every other chapter is, in part, about complex borders and tensions between bordering countries.  The United States has long, peaceful borders to the north and south and vast oceans to the east and west.  The US economy is still the strongest in the world, the climate is varied, the both coasts have lots of good harbors, and the Mississippi River is the most navigable inland waterway on the planet.  

Reading the United States chapter reminded me that the book was written before Trump and COVID-19.  Despite the plague and pandemic they brought, the United States still has the strongest economy in the world and Russia's invasion of Ukraine is even giving the US a glimmer of national unity.

"Western Europe" is the fourth chapter.  Marshall explains the geopolitical history that kept Europe in conflict every generation from the Roman Empire until 1945. The unprecedented 77 years without a land war that followed ended with the Russia's invasion of Ukraine.  But the unity in Europe that followed is a bright ray of hope.  NATO and the European Union really are united in opposing Putin.  Even to the point that Germany is re-arming and Sweden, Switzerland and Finland are ending their neutrality.  

"Africa" is the next chapter. The enormous continent of 54 countries and two billion people has few navigable rivers and is divided by deserts, mountains and jungles.  And then there are all the conflicts stemming from badly drawn colonial borders and murderous colonial policies. Geography imprisons many inhabitants of Africa in difficult circumstances. 

Swinging north and east of Africa, Marshall's next chapter is the "Middle East." If religion is part of every regional conflict, it is central to the mess that is the Middle East.  As with Africa, badly drawn borders inflame smoldering conflicts.  The Jewish state of Israel is surrounded by a dozen countries with combined populations twenty times that of Israel where children in school are taught to hate and kill Jews.  

The arid geography of most of the Middle East means there would be conflicts over water and arable land even if the states were not openly hostile.  The region was and is the site of several recent and current wars.  Geography made Iraq easy to invade, and it makes Afghanistan impossible to conquer. The American withdrawal last year follows the Russian defeat in 1989 and British defeats in the 1840s and 1880s.  Geography keeps Iran isolated and relatively safe from attack and make Lebanon a terrorist playground. 

"India and Pakistan" are locked in permanent conflict that limits the ability of both countries to grow and prosper.  While geography keeps India safely separate from invasion by China, the border with Pakistan is the scene of endless disputes. Marshall describes the complexity of Pakistan's relationship with neighboring Afghanistan and why it is mired in America's war with the Taliban.  At the writing of the book, NATO had left Afghanistan and America had a small force there.  A new phase of the border war began in August with America's withdrawal from Afghanistan. 

"Korea and Japan" are a chapter to themselves. As with India and Pakistan, the two countries have a centuries long history of conflict. Some of the worst of that conflict was the Japanese occupation of Korea during World War II.  Sadly, that was followed by the Korean War in 1950. Japan emerged from the war as a leading world economy and a unified nation. Korea is divided into the prosperous south and the most oppressive dictatorship in the world in the north.  The border area is among the most tense in the world.  

The ninth chapter is Latin America, from the Rio Grande Valley to Tierra del Fuego. So many aspects of geography put Latin America at a great disadvantage compared to North America.  There is bonanza of harbors in the north compared with cliffs and straight, narrow coastal areas. Africa has the same plight, thousands of miles of coast useless for shipping.  Aside from the Rio del Plata, the rivers are not navigable.  The Andes are the longest mountain chain and a barrier to all trade between the Pacific Coast and the rest of the continent. 

The final chapter is the "Arctic." It is a full circle back to Russia.  Whether he discusses trade routes, oil and gas drilling, mining, or relations among the countries bordering the arctic region, Russia is acting in bad faith and cheating on agreements.  As  the polar ice diminishes, countries around the region will have more opportunities for trade and business, and more points of conflict with Russia.  

The Conclusion is much sunnier than the book itself. Marshall sees reasons for hope.  Possibly because the book was written before the first land war in Europe in 77 years, or the plagues of Trump and COVID. In any case, the book is a fascinating look at our world as it was, is, and will be.  The real world written in the reality of land, sea and air.   

First ten books of 2022:

Understanding Beliefs by Nils Nilsson

1776 by David McCullough

The Life of the Mind by Hannah Arendt

Civilization: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson

How to Fight Anti-Semitism by Bari Weiss

Unflattening by Nick Sousanis

Marie Curie  by Agnieszka Biskup (en francais)

The Next Civil War by Stephen Marche

Fritz Haber, Volume 1 by David Vandermeulen

Bad Religion Kills Good People

The book "Prisoners of Geography" by Tim Marshall begins, "Vladimir Putin says he is a religious man, a great supporter of the Russian Orthodox Church."  

Vladimir Putin with Orthodox Christian Priests

And yet, Putin, a self-declared Christian has just invaded a neighboring country.  Rather than turn the other cheek, Putin is killing and maiming his neighbors. 

But Putin is certainly not alone when it comes hating and killing for Jesus.  Ever since the Church took secular power in the late 400s AD, killing and conquering in the name of the Prince of Peace has stained every century for the past millennia. It's worth noting for those who rationalize armed Christianity, Jesus was a penniless Jew who told his followers not to love or even care about this world, even to hate their father and mother and pursue the Kingdom of God.  

The worst of murderous Christianity in America was certainly when eleven states rebelled with the express purpose of keeping men and women in chains for life.  Sometimes the slavers even told those they oppressed about Jesus: as strong a declaration as could ever be made that their victims deserved love and were handed hate.   

A victim of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Every organized patriarchal religion with power uses that power to advance its own beliefs.  For some religions, killing heretics, invading neighbors and other expressions of secular power can be reconciled with the traditions of the faith.  Jews can defend Israel.  Muslims have a mandate to create a caliphate. 

I have read every word of the New Testament in several translations and a lot of it in the Greek in which it was written.  There is no way to twist the words of Jesus into an invasion or a Crusade.  A Buddhist government has the same flat contradiction. I have read a lot about the Buddha and his beliefs and life. No one created a Buddhist army reading Buddha.

Every day the world hears about how the "Christian" Vladimir Putin bombs, blasts and murders the mostly Christian people of Ukraine.  Right now, the bad religion of Vladimir Putin, his twisted version of Christianity, is killing innocent people in Ukraine.  

May 9: Victory Day for Russia, Crash Day for Me

 

In Russia, May 9 is Victory Day, the annual celebration of defeating the Nazis in World  War II.  I am happy to celebrate dead and defeated Nazis any time.  But May 9 has a new significance for me.

Sunday, May 9, will be the 1-year anniversary of my 40th broken bone. I smashed my left (dominant arm) elbow in a low-speed (10mph) crash.

On May 9, 2007, I broken ten bones including C7 in a high-speed (50mph).

I realized this morning that all of the bones I have broken this century were on May 9--about 1/3rd of all the bones I broke in my life.

Also, in this century, the only bones I have broken have been from bicycle accidents. In the rest of my life, motorcycles, missile explosions, football, car accidents, along with bicycle accidents were the causes of broken bones.

I was thinking of wearing bubble wrap on Sunday. Especially if I ride.

Field Guide to Flying Death: Dumb Bombs, Russia and Syria

US Army Air Corps B-17 Flying Fortress dropping "dumb" bombs 

on Germany in World War II

 During World War II and for decades after, "dumb" or unguided bombs were the only way to put explosives on target from the air.  Beginning in the Gulf War, America and other nations started using "smart" or guided bombs.  

In 1999 when American B-2s bombed Belgrade, Pentagon spokespersons said they could not only hit a specific building, but put a bomb in a specific doorway of a building. 

Beginning in September 2015, Russian strategic bombers flew from Ossetia near the Republic of Georgia in Southern Russia and bombed targets in Syria.  They claimed to be fighting ISIS, but hit civilian targets, causing thousands of casualties. The Russian bombers dropped "dumb" bombs.  Various news outlets at the time speculated that the Russians used dumb bombs because these bombs are much cheaper than guided weapons. Up to 100 times cheaper.  The Miami Herald wrote this.

From top: Tu-95, Tu-160 and Tu-22 Strategic Bombers

In his book The Road to Unfreedom Timothy Snyder said Russia began bombing Syria three weeks after Germany announced it would take in a half million refugees. 

"Russian aircraft dropped non-precision ("dumb") bombs from high altitudes. ... Russia was not targeting ISIS bases. Human rights organizations reported the Russian bombing of mosques, clinics, hospitals, refugee camps, water treatment plants and cities in general." (pages 198-199)

Dumb bombs made the refugee crisis worse. Putin's goal, according to Snyder, was to destabilize Europe. By making the refugee crisis worse in Europe, the Russian bombing campaign played to the xenophobia of the fastest-rising candidate in the American Presidential election. That candidate would eventually take the side of Vladimir Putin over his own intelligence agencies.

The dumb bombs were dropped by a man with a smart plan.  

Meeting Eastern Border Podcast Host on the Eastern Border of the EU and NATO

Kristaps Andrejsons, host of the The Eastern Border podcast.

On the third weekend of my trip, I drove from Vilnius, Lithuania, to Ludza, Latvia, to visit Kristaps Andrejsons, the host of The Eastern Border podcast. 

Ludza is Kristaps’ hometown and the easternmost city in Latvia, hence the name of the podcast.  The first thing we did was a small tour of the two big churches in the town—the Orthodox Church in the center of Ludza, and the Catholic Church on the hill above the big lake to the east of town. The Catholic Church shares the hilltop with a ruined medieval castle.  We took in the view of the lake, then went back to the car and drove southeast to Zilupe. 

The Catholic Church on the hill and the Orthodox Church in the center of Ludza.

Kristaps said Zilupe is the easternmost village in the European Union.  When I repeated this on Facebook, a well-traveled friend, Jim Trumm pointed out that Reunion Island in the Indian Ocean is part of the EU, and the place where the first Euro was officially used as legal tender. But if we stay in Europe and the Northern Hemisphere Kristaps is correct.

After a brief look at the dark border area of Terehova east of Zilupe, we went back to Ludza and said goodbye. Then I drove to Valga, Estonia, for dinner, completing my three meals in three countries plan for the day. 

Kristaps started the The Eastern Border with the same motivation I have heard from other creative, motivated people: he was pissed off. He heard a “so-called expert on Russia and Eastern Europe on CNN, who didn’t know shit (pardon my French) about Russia or Eastern Europe. …. It turns out she had been in Russia just a year, mostly in Moscow and St. Petersburg.”

Four years ago, Kristaps recorded the first episode in July of 2015. He discussed the economy of the Soviet Union. Three weeks later was Soviet Culture, the Brezhnev, then the War in Afghanistan. Chernobyl was the following March.  Most episodes are on Soviet or on games. Then in 2017 he added news from his side of the border.  Over time, he has added more news, Latvia 101, and still covers all things Soviet. 

Kristaps is animated and engaging and has a dry wit, so the podcasts are funny as well as informative.  He travels to the US occasionally. Last month he was in Boston and NYC.  He has also been to Fort Worth, Santa Monica and Seattle.  The five states he has been to represent at least a third of the population of America, both coasts, and the gap between Fort Worth and Santa Monica covers most of the range of American politics. 

As with the Jewish Story, whose host I also visited on this trip, I am listening alternately to current and early episodes. I found out about both podcasts after more than 50 episodes were recorded, so I have a lot of catching up to do. 

If you have an interest in Soviet Culture and if you want to hear how democracy is dying under Putin in the Russian Federation, The Eastern Border podcast is well worth listening to. 

Battle of the Tanks, Kursk, 1943: A Review

-->

In July of 1943, the German Army’s ability to attack the Soviet Army ended in smoking wrecks and twisted bodies.  The German attack on Kursk was supposed to turn the war around and put the Wehrmacht back on the offensive. A series of delays that gave the Soviets time to prepare massive defenses doomed the attack from the start—before the start.

In his book, Battle of the Tanks, Kursk, 1943, Lloyd Clark tells the story of Kursk beginning with the rise to power of both Hitler and Stalin. Clark makes the case that the strengths and weaknesses of these two men made the biggest tank battle in history inevitable.

Clark mixes eyewitness accounts of tank crews and other soldiers on both sides with the high-level view of Generals and the two Supreme Commanders.  He begins in the 1930s when both leaders consolidated power and traces decisions on both sides that led to what remains the largest tank battle in the history of the world. 

One of the key differences between Hitler and Stalin in the view of Lloyd is that while both retained the title of Supreme Commander, Stalin was willing to name Georgy Zhukov his deputy and ceded much power to him in deciding the conduct of the battle. 

Hitler trusted no one else. In the view of most of Hitler’s generals, the battle should have begun on schedule in April. In Kursk Hitler repeated his error of 1941 in delaying Operation Barbarossa until June 22.  Hitler held back his forces until the arrival of Panther and Tiger tanks.  But in the three months that the Germans delayed, the Russians added layers and depth to their defenses.   By July, the Russians were dug in and outnumbered the Germans nearly two to one.

In the grinding dozen days of battle total casualties far exceeded a million killed and wounded. The Russians lost more men by far than the Germans, but, as the Germans lamented, the Russian reserves seemed inexhaustible and the German reserves were exhausted. 

After Kursk, the German Army fell back for nearly two years until the Soviet Army captured Berlin.

Lloyd does a good job of telling the story of the battle as well as keeping the broader context.