Tuesday, December 16, 2025

Don Quixote and Friendship a Review by James Como in Memorium

 

James Como, professor of rhetoric, 

Last month while I was traveling in Poland and Germany visiting Nazi Death Camps, my friend Jim Como was speaking as a C.S. Lewis conference in Romania.  After his lecture, Jim died suddenly. He was 79.  I read the article below and meant to write to Jim when I returned from Europe. I loved the article and loved Don Quixote. My wife read much of it to me from an unabridged translation.  I re-read War and Peace by Leo Tolstoy last year and was thinking of re-reading Don Quixote in 2026.  Jim's article confirmed my plan to re-read this wonderful book. 

Whether you have read Don Quixote or not, read the article below and see how friendship propels this wonderful tale.

Rest in Peace Jim.


[From the Hedgehog Review]

The Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote de la Mancha has been examined, re-examined, and cross-examined. And yet, astonishingly, we have yet to get to the bottom of it, and perhaps never will. That may be one reason Samuel Johnson could say it is the only book he wished were longer. I hope to add to the fun by revealing a storytelling device (hiding in plain sight) that I believe is, first, of very great value; second, propulsive throughout the narrative; and, third, responsible for bringing out two thematic features that matter transcendently.

Think of the beginning of things, according to Genesis. “Then God said, ‘Let there be light,’ and there was light.” God did not manufacture light, because He did not have to. Speaking was enough. Later we are reminded that “In the beginning was the Word”—the logos, fraught with meaning—“and the Word became flesh and pitched his tent among us.” So all of creation, including us, are Him speaking. And not only that. Such is the generosity of God that he gave us the power of speech.

In The Kingdom of Speech (2016), Tom Wolfe reminded us that we are Homo loquax, alone in the regnum loquax, the Kingdom of Speech. After rigorous research, he concluded that “the most fundamental questions about the origins and evolution of our linguistic capacity remain as mysterious as ever.” Furthermore, “in the one hundred and fifty years since the Theory of Evolution was announced [linguistic researchers] have learned…nothing.” As Wolfe emphasized, “speech is not one of man’s several unique attributes—speech is the attribute of all attributes.” And then he concluded elegantly: “To say that animals evolved into man is like saying that Carrara marble evolved into Michelangelo’s David.”   

We most often practice this uncommon ability in common conversation, which to many of us is like wetness to a fish, taken for granted. Conversation: from com and versare, “to occupy oneself along with”; and from conversus, the past participle of converter, “to turn about.” The great Michel de Montaigne, in “On the Art of Conversing,” said of it: “The most fruitful and natural exercise of our mind, in my opinion, is discussion. I find it sweeter than any other action of our life; and that is the reason why, if I were right now forced to choose, I believe I would rather consent to lose my sight than my hearing or speech.”

Montaigne knew that iden­tity is at the heart of healthy conversation. Who are you? Would you like to know who I am? I favor both. The process entails a burden of accountability: for being voluble, for discovering, choosing, designing, examining, arguing, judging, making and expecting sense, and finally for performing, as though others matter greatly and we owed them our best. After all, our attitudes toward law, duty, and morality, as well as a common language, religious beliefs and rituals, our reverence of iconic people, places, and things, our folklore and myths—these are all formed by conversations great and small. John Durham Peters (in Speaking Into the Air: A History of the Idea of Communication) pierces to the center of the act:

“communication” is…from the Latin communicare, meaning to impart, share or to make common.…The key root is mun-, related to…“munificent,” “community,” “meaning”…munus has to do with gifts or duties offered publicly.

And, I add, socially. That is why we can see it clearly as a portal into, and then sustenance for, friendship, always an enormous gift.

Personal display and recreation, examining the culture around us as well as the one in our own head, whether by argument, exhortation, musings, pontification, joking, diagnosing, wise counsel, or other—these are all in Don Quixote, mattering more than almost any of the Hitchcockian McGuffins (e.g., those windmills), along with the many subjects that arise in conversation. Except one: the Don’s presumed madness. 

His conversations with others are like a doctor’s differential diagnosis: If not this, then…what? In the Second Part, with layers of disputed authorship at issue and much satire and irony at work, this awareness begins to arise—until he snaps out of it and dies, at peace. By then, Cervantes has taken us through a labyrinthine consciousness as engaging as any, even Hamlet’s. He is mad, of course (or probably), certainly often, but always he seems possessed of a glancing awareness of his authentic self.  

How did Cervantes “occupy us” with this “turning about”? Of the 126 chapters, forty-one feature conversation and twenty-four of those are preponderantly, if not wholly, conversational, and, of those, several are pivotal. (We should keep in mind that Cervantes was also a playwright.) He converses with his reader, but also with Quixote, who converses with everyone, including himself, or so it seems. Most notably Quixote (and so Cervantes) continually talks with the character who may be the greatest sidekick and friend in literary history, Sancho Panza. Together the two of them quibble, quarrel, explain, justify, console, advise, rhapsodize, lie, confess, forgive, and love. Who wouldn’t want a friend like Sancho, clueless though he often is? 

Choose any one of those forty-one chapters and you will likely find a conversation that develops character, expands a theme, or moves the action. But, in the case of such randomness, a pattern would be lost, because conversations become slightly more laden and consequential as Cervantes takes his hero, and us, through the story. For example, in Part Two, chapter eighteen, Sancho has been beaten and is drop-dead tired, having been unaided by the Don. He allows (in Edith Grossman’s translation) that “the better and smarter thing, to the very best of my poor understanding, would be for us to go back home.” So we are at a juncture, early in the story, where the two (and the sane reader must agree) could sensibly turn back.  

But the Don answers, “How little you know, Sancho…about the matter of chivalry.” Sancho replies that, yes, victory is fine, if only they’d had one. And in this way, they proceed: the Don giving his reason for going on, Sancho filing objections—except the obvious one, that his master is crazy. Not until much later does Sancho realize (we recall that he has been promised an island to rule) that the chivalric code is dead, and has been for some time.  

The chapter proceeds with a battle against goats (taken for an army) and ends with the Don missing some teeth. Sancho says, “Your grace has no more than two-and-a-half molars, and in the upper part, none at all.” The Don answers, “A mouth without molars is like a mill without a millstone,” and tells Sancho to lead the way to lodgings. Conversation has run the cycle from suggestion, to debate, to diagnosis, and (except for the loss of molars) nothing has changed. Nowhere does Sancho note (though Cervantes knows) that the Don is delusional.

Later, in chapter thirty-one, still nothing has changed. Don Quixote has given Sancho a letter to deliver to Dulcinea. Has she read it? She was making bread, is the answer. She is a high lady. Yes, taller than I. And what of her smell? “Did you not smell the perfume of Sheba?” Sancho answers, “I smelled a mannish kind of odor.” And on it goes: a delusional supposition countered by an empirical response, whether about the graces of Dulcinea, her activities, or the behavior of those around her. The lunacy is reinforced, with the Don explaining that the other knights serve her simply for the implicit pleasure of such service.  

At that point the penny drops. “That’s the way…. I’ve heard it said in sermons, we should love our Lord for Himself alone, not because we hope for glory or are afraid of punishment.” The Don: “What intelligent things you say sometimes! One would think you’ve studied.” But Sancho points out that he cannot read. And yet he has struck upon a main theme: goodness as a sign of love for our Lord. Sanity, from Sancho, affirmed by the Don, has irrupted.  

Approaching the end of the First Part (written some years before the Second), conversation becomes Cervantes’s primary method of both jogging in place and moving us along. This goes on, not only for the final five chapters of that Part, but fluently into the first seven chapters of the second, with at least two of those chapters being, as Cervantes might have said, contundente, rich and full nearly to overflowing. 

We hear theories of the theater and of the dangers of the state licensing art. But then a change occurs, and we hear Sancho talking sense, insistently. “By the Blessed Virgin!… Is it possible that you are so thick-headed…that you cannot see that malice has more to do with your imprisonment [another McGuffin]…than enchantment?” The conversation becomes intimate, finally therapeutic. The canon (a friend) listening in asks, “Is it possible, Señor, that the…idle reading of books…has made you believe that you are enchanted?” Conversation has turned into what these days walks about as “the talking cure.”  

This could be a turning point—until, once again, the Don answers patiently. He accuses his interlocutors of being the crazy ones. Convincing him that he is deluded is, he says, “the same as trying to persuade [a] person that the sun does not shine.” With that the talk goes downhill, devolving into an argument over courtship and justice, in which the Don gains the upper hand. How? His “reasoned nonsense” has drawn in his interlocutors!

The questions become: What is real? How can we know it? Or, put another way, whom do we trust? We are near the middle of the whole (the end of the First Part) when conversation pauses. Instead, the narrator describes a box containing some poetry, doggerel really, except for the final two poems, both epitaphs, one of Dulcinea, the other of the Don. We are given to understand that the Don himself has written these, not “reasoned nonsense.”   

We are told that the author could not “find nor learn anything about Don Quixote’s final end.” Would there be a third sally? All we are told—we are now in conversation with Cervantes—is that “the author does not ask for compensation from his readers” and that they give to his narrative “the same credit that judicious readers give to the books of chivalry that are esteemed so highly in the world”—which is precisely none. Then he will be “encouraged to seek and publish other histories,” that is, to keep the conversation going.

And so he does. Early in the Second Part, there is much satirical talk as literary investigation: How reliable is the First Part? Is there any truth in it? At one point, the Don insults Sancho; he wants nothing to do with an “ignorant gossip monger,” but the anger passes quickly. Soon we learn that the Don’s niece and housekeeper truly love the Don but are intolerant of his madness, the niece shouting at him, “You have been struck by such a great blindness and such obvious foolishness.” The Don, as always, answers calmly, with a disquisition on lineage, of all things, and then utters a telling truth: “an impoverished knight has no way to show he is a knight except through virtue [my emphasis],” and here, along with friendship, is the second thematic solvent.

When Sancho converses with the Duchess and her ladies, the Duchess, from impure motive (she is not of a generous spirit), calls the Don “a madman, a fool, and a simpleton” and Sancho a “dimwit.” Here Sancho answers, with maybe the most telling passage in the entire book:  

I can’t help it, I have to follow him: we are from the same village, I’ve eaten his bread, I love him dearly, he’s a grateful man, he gave me his donkeys; and more than anything else, I’m faithful; and so it’s impossible for anything to separate us except the man with the pick and shovel.

He concludes with a touch of sarcasm: “I have seen more than two jackasses go into governorships, and if I take mine with me, it won’t be anything new.”  

Earlier I claimed that most of the adventures are mere MacGuffins; now the truth will out. Indeed, all of the adventures were tests, but not of the Don’s courage. Rather, they were tests of friendship, pure and simple. What Sancho has endured for what appeared to be a preposterous promise of a governorship was actually for the sake of his friendship with the Don, a display of virtue (a word deriving from the Latin vir, “man”). And there we have our two thematic features, the double helix at the center of the book.

Approaching his deathbed, the Don, with his friends the barber, the priest, and the bachelor looking on along with Sancho, says to them (the women especially) who urge him to be calm and to keep on living, “Be quiet, my dears…for I know what I must do…whether I am a knight errant or a shepherd on the verge of wandering, I shall always provide for you, as my actions will prove.”

At the very end, the Don would repent, but the reader must wonder, of what is there to repent? He renounces tales of chivalry and settles his affairs as Alonso Quixano. So much for the McGuffins, but whether mad or sane, Don Quixote de la Mancha was true. His conversations reflect his madness, certainly. But, “in the the beginning,” that is, from his enchantment by way of books, to the end, he epitomized, always, guided by friendship and virtue, the sanity beneath all madness. C.S. Lewis, I think, says it best. All along, he writes,

a secret Master of Ceremonies has been at work…friendship is the instrument by which God reveals to each the beauties of all the others…. It is He [who] always should preside. Let us not reckon without our Host.

Cervantes, a devout Catholic, would not, I believe, dispute that.




Friday, December 12, 2025

Natzweiler: The Only Nazi Death Camp in France

 



Natzweiler-Struthof was the only major Nazi concentration camp built on French soil, perched high in the Vosges Mountains of Alsace. Its location was chosen for two reasons: remoteness and a nearby granite quarry the SS wanted to exploit. 


What emerged in May 1941 was a camp that combined relentless forced labor, starvation, sadism, and a series of medical crimes that still stand among the worst of the era.

Unlike the Operation Reinhard death camps, Natzweiler was not designed solely for extermination, but death was everywhere in its daily operations. Prisoners—political detainees, resistance fighters, Jews, Roma, homosexuals, “asocials,” and later evacuees from camps farther east—were driven up the mountain and packed into steeply terraced barracks. The camp clung to the hillside in rows, with the crematorium and punishment cells at the bottom and the commandant’s quarters at the top, symbolizing the hierarchy the SS enforced. Winters were brutal; winds cut through the wooden barracks, and temperatures regularly dropped well below freezing.

Labor was the core of Natzweiler’s system. The quarry sat just below the camp, and prisoners were forced to haul massive granite blocks up and down slopes so steep they later defied reconstruction. The work was designed to break bodies. Fatigue, crushed limbs, and fatal falls were common. As the war went on, the SS expanded the camp into a nerve center for dozens of satellite labor camps—KZ Aussenstelle Walldorf among them—supplying slave labor for weapons plants, synthetic fuel projects, tunnel systems, and airfields. Prisoners were treated as expendable material; when one died, another transport filled the gap.



Natzweiler also became a site for medical atrocities. Under the direction of SS doctors such as August Hirt of the Reich University of Strasbourg, prisoners—especially Jews—were selected, murdered, and dissected for a planned anatomical collection. Others were subjected to experiments involving poison gas, vaccines, and exposure to infectious diseases. The most appalling episode was the murder of 86 Jewish men and women specifically selected and transported to Natzweiler, gassed in a small chamber, and sent to Strasbourg for “research.”



Conditions in the camp deteriorated sharply after 1943. Crowding worsened as transports arrived from across occupied Europe, including evacuated prisoners from Auschwitz, Dachau, and other camps threatened by the advancing Allies. Starvation rations, contaminated water, and rampant disease meant the death rate climbed steadily. Guards and Kapos enforced discipline with arbitrary beatings, hangings, and torture in the bunker cells.



By September 1944, with American forces nearing Alsace, the SS began evacuating Natzweiler. The main camp was abandoned on September 1, but the system of satellite camps continued operating deep into 1945. Prisoners were shipped eastward to Dachau, Allach, Buchenwald, and other collapsing camps, where many died in transport or in the chaotic months before liberation.



When U.S. troops entered Natzweiler shortly after its abandonment, they found a site battered but largely intact: crematorium, execution walls, the gas chamber, and barracks still clinging to the slope. Unlike Sobibór or Treblinka, Natzweiler could not be erased.

Today the camp is a memorial complex with the original crematorium preserved, the terraced layout still visible, and exhibitions inside reconstructed barracks. Its location—high on a mountain ridge with sweeping views—stands in stark contrast to the brutality once practiced there. That contrast underscores the truth at the heart of Natzweiler: beauty of landscape offered no protection against human cruelty, and even the most remote place could be turned into a factory of suffering.









Friday, December 5, 2025

The Bensheim-Auerbach Military Cemetery

 

The Bensheim-Auerbach Military Cemetery sits on the wooded slope of the Kirchberg above Auerbach, a district of Bensheim in Hesse, and preserves the remains of German soldiers killed in the First and Second World Wars. Its origins lie in the chaotic final months of the First World War, when local authorities began interring fallen soldiers from nearby hospitals and field facilities. By the early 1920s, the site had taken on the form of a modest military cemetery, with simple stone markers and a central memorial cross. It became one of many regional burial grounds maintained by the Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge, the German War Graves Commission.

The catastrophe of the Second World War transformed the cemetery. As the Western Front collapsed in March 1945, casualties surged across Hesse. Soldiers wounded in the fighting around the Bergstrasse, the Rhine crossings, and the Odenwald were brought to aid stations in Bensheim and surrounding towns. Those who died were buried on the Kirchberg, expanding the cemetery dramatically. After 1945, the Volksbund consolidated additional wartime graves from temporary plots in the region, making Bensheim-Auerbach a permanent resting place for thousands.

The cemetery today contains more than 2,400 graves—roughly half from each world war. The design is austere: rows of low stone plaques set into grass, clusters of basalt crosses, and a central memorial area that lists the names of the dead when individual identification is known. The layout reflects post-war German memorial culture—somber, stripped of martial display, focused on individual loss rather than national glory.

In the decades since, the cemetery has served as a site for quiet remembrance rather than public ceremony. School groups, local historians, and families visit to confront the scale of twentieth-century German military death. Its hillside setting above Auerbach emphasizes the contrast between the peaceful landscape and the violent history beneath it, making it one of the more sobering military cemeteries along the Bergstrasse.


In 2017 I visited the German Military Cemetery in Normandy. The same focus on the soldier, not on the government that sent them to war.

Tuesday, December 2, 2025

Visiting the Curie Museum in Paris


The Pierre and Marie Curie Museum—tucked quietly into the old Radium Institute on the campus of the Université Pierre et Marie Curie in Paris—is one of the most understated but important scientific museums in the city. It occupies the preserved laboratory spaces where Marie Curie, her daughter Irène, and son-in-law Frédéric Joliot carried out groundbreaking research in radioactivity from the 1890s through the 1930s. The museum is small, reflective, and resolutely authentic: nothing is dramatized, nothing staged. You stand in rooms where the Nobel Prizes were earned.

At the heart of the museum is Marie Curie’s office and laboratory, preserved almost exactly as they were at the time of her death in 1934. Wooden benches, glassware, electrometers, notebooks, and early radiation-measurement devices remain in their original positions. Unlike her early work in the makeshift shed on the Rue Lhomond, the Radium Institute was built specifically for her—funded by French, international, and American donors—to allow research into the medical and scientific potential of radium. It became one of the great centers of early 20th-century physics and chemistry.

The museum emphasizes both the scientific history and the human story. Panels describe Pierre and Marie’s partnership, Pierre’s accidental death in 1906, and Marie’s tireless continuation of their shared research. Other exhibits trace the later achievements of Irène and Frédéric Joliot-Curie, whose discovery of artificial radioactivity earned them the 1935 Nobel Prize—reinforcing the sense that this building housed not just a laboratory but a dynasty of scientific innovation.

For a visitor returning multiple times, especially after reading Dava Sobel’s biography, the museum gains emotional weight. Sobel’s portrait of Marie Curie—the discipline, the grief, the stubborn moral clarity—comes alive in the physical space. The rooms feel modest for the scale of the discoveries made there, and the lingering sense of danger from early radiation work is unmistakable.

The museum is quiet, intimate, and deeply respectful—a rare place where the history of science still inhabits its original walls.